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Dukhovnye Khristiane (Spiritual Christians)

This terminology delineates those sects (questionably originally derived from the Bespopovtsy) whose theology became sufficiently distinct from the mainstream that, while still perceived as Christian in spirit, were considered heretical rather than solely schismatic. Their Orthodox origins seem to have somehow insulated them from being considered Protestant by the Orthodox - albeit later writers, particularly those from outside the Orthodox and Old Believer communities, have frequently labeled them as such.

• Doukhobory (Spirit Wrestlers) or Doukhobors, also Doukhobortsy (Wrestlers Against the Spirit) likely originated in the late 1600s, although one can find the event ascribed to diverse dates from the 16th through 18th centuries. As indeterminate as its foundation date is the precise place in which the faith originated and precisely which external religious influences brought it to being. At the outset, it appears likely that the body was self-styled as Dukhovnye Khristiane, nomenclature that subsequently came to be applied to a broader range of Sekstanstvo than just themselves.
  
  It's generally acknowledged that the names Doukhobory and Doukhobortsy arose later, as reactions to each other, although it is not clear which was used first - the former, by the faithful, who saw themselves as wrestling with the (Holy) Spirit or the latter, by an Orthodox cleric, who contended that they wrestled against the (Holy) Spirit.
  
  A major tenet of Doukhobory faith is that the image of God resides within each human being, at least within each of His 'Chosen People' - themselves (although only some among them would reject the possibility of salvation for those who were not Doukhobory). There is literature suggesting that this belief extends to encompass the concept that God is in-dwelling in man, but that doesn't appear to be universally accepted.
  
  This belief on their part differs from that espoused by those Eretiki who perceived one or successive individuals to actually be God in one or another manifestation. Although there was an interlude in the late 19th and early 20th centuries in which some followers of a Doukhobory leader asserted him to be Christ in a Second Coming, Doukhobory generally have not embraced the idea that God was incarnate in any of their leaders. They do, however, expect that He will ultimately appear among them.
  
  In addition to iconography, they rejected essentially all worldly expressions and accoutrements of worship, including the Sign of the Cross, the Mysteries, temples, crosses, and the presbyterate. They are typically described as anti-Trinitarian but close examination of the rather complex way in which they understand God and the relationship between Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, offers at least an arguable presumption that they do hold to a Trinitarian belief. It is, however, one that is perceived and expressed differently than that of mainstream Christianity.
  
  Scriptural writings are not deemed inspired, since the Doukhobory cannot conceive that God's Word is capable of being reduced to paper. They read and interpret Scripture, principally the New Testament, but do so chiefly to illustrate how spiritual concepts related therein support their own belief system - rather than seeing Scripture as a basis on which to formulate their beliefs.
  
  Even in instances where their disbelief in a particular theological concept is shared by some other Christian denomination, the Doukhobory tendency is to frame their own stance in a way that sets their reasoning apart from that of others. Original Sin, the Virgin Birth, the Resurrection, the Soul, and the relationship between Christ's Humanity and Divinity are all understood, viewed, and believed or rejected from unique standpoints.
  
  Communal living, pacifism, and vegetarianism are other factors generally associated with the Doukhobory. Certainly, these characteristics have contributed significantly to the perception, voiced by some, that Doukhobory are as much or more a social than religious movement. Yet, their understanding of God as integral to their entire existence, seen in everything around them, makes it easy to understand how the appellation 'Spiritual' came to be applied to them. However, it can be more difficult to discern how appropriate 'Christian' is as a descriptor of the sect.
  
  There is no question but that the Doukhobory were persecuted fiercely in Russia and the solidarity that adversity often forges may have contributed to an apparent lack of significant schisms within the movement until the last quarter of the 19th century - just prior to the major emigration of its faithful. However, unlike the Old Believers, there was (and is) a tendency among Doukhobory to devalue formal education - from a concern that it will introduce unwelcome state influence on the young. (This is also seen in other sects, such as the Amish, who consider communality essential to their way of life, their faith, and their continued existence.) This contributed to a dearth of writings on the first two centuries of their history, making it difficult to know with certainty what transpired in that time.
  
  During the latter half of the 19th century, a concentrated population of Doukhobory resided in the Elizavetpol Province in the Caucasus. The number of faithful there at the time likely represented a majority of the adherents, but they embraced no distinctive belief or praxis that would ordinarily merit mention of them, as if they represented a distinct theological or praxis orientation within the parent body.
  
  They are of note, however, due to the presence among them of the Verigin family, the common consideration in almost all the factions that arose in the last quarter of that century (and affected Doukhobory for decades subsequently, into the post-emigration era).

• Large Party was, at least in its inception, as much a political entity as a religious body. It was formed on no basis of difference in belief or praxis but to support appointment of Peter Verigin, one of several sons of Vasily Verigin, a well-to-do member of the sect, to the management of a Doukhobory orphanage in the Elizavetpol region. Vasily, during his tenure as an Elder, had been noted for an autocratic and frequently harsh style - traits that were apparently continued in his offspring, particularly Peter.
  
  The latter was furthered in his ambitions by the circulation of a belief, held by some of his followers that he was Christ, reincarnated to lead the Doukhobory into the Second Coming. While it is not clear that he ever personally asserted that to be the case, there is little indication that he discouraged those who promoted the idea.
  
  After being arrested and while in exile for the first of three successive terms (totaling 15 years), Verigin began to espouse a variety of quasi-religious tenets with which his intermediaries then sought to imbue their fellow Doukhobory, with mixed success. Early on, he demanded that faithful of the Large Party distance themselves entirely from those of the rival Small Party, including 'divorce' from any spouse whose allegiance was to the latter faction. He also preached that vegetarianism, temperance, and abstention from smoking were all requisite to a 'Christian' life and that work be abandoned in the interest of prayer and preaching.
  
  Despite the significant changes that such demands wrought in their lifestyle, his followers were nearly unanimous in adopting them and carrying them out as best they could, until he announced that they should assume a life of 'chastity'.
  
  Married couples were to cease engaging in conjugal relations and live together as brother and sister. Those who were unmarried were to maintain that state. Reportedly, these demands were well-received by the youth who considered it an honor to aspire to this ideal, but were a source of much distress to those already married and resulted in a split in the ranks of the Large Party. This was beyond mending by the time that he reconsidered and rescinded the instruction, several years afterward. The two bodies that resulted from the schism, said by one observer to be approximately equal in numbers, were:

• Myasniki (Fleshers) rejected the continued absentee leadership of Verigin, initially on the basis of the chastity demand. They soon extended their rebellion to the abandonment of vegetarianism, whence the name. While remaining pacifistic, and adhering to the religious precepts that were common to the Doukhobory, they were generally inclined to a less ascetic ideal and abstinence from smoking and alcohol became matters of personal choice for many among them.

• [b]Postniki[/b] (Fasters) [2 of 2 by this name], also Non-Fleshers, stood by Verigin and sought to live the ideal that he preached, albeit struggling with the injunction to be chaste. They burned their weapons, having no use for them once they had embraced vegetarianism and no longer needed them for hunting. Of course, doing so - in an era when military conscripts were expected to provide their own arms - put them into further conflict with the government and intensified persecution.

• Canadian Doukhobory or Canadians do not, nor did they ever, represent a 'named' body. The term came about to distinguish the Canadians from the Yakutski when the latter emigrated about 8 years after the initial emigration and issues arose between the two bodies. The so-called Canadians emigrated chiefly between 1898-99.
  
  They included the Doukhobory from Elizavetpol Province and most other Verigin followers, although their leader did not accompany them, as his term of exile was not yet completed. The community that settled in Yorkton was the largest body of those with allegiance primarily to Peter.
  
  Over the first few years, the faithful became less concerned with adhering to the precepts and praxis enunciated by Verigin. This could have been a consequence of the stress involved in getting settled or perhaps was a consideration of the distance between themselves and the authoritarian and charismatic leader, lessening his influence.

• Libertines, led by Ivan Ponomorov and Nikolai Zibarev, were formed late in 1902, when it became known that Verigin would be arriving in Canada. They perceived his arrival as heralding the Second Coming, if not the event itself, and sought to return to the strictest interpretation yet of his preachings from exile.
  
  Work was abandoned, they stripped their clothing of hooks and buttons of metal, reduced their diet to the most meager of sustenance, turned loose their livestock, rejected and even destroyed modern farm equipment, and gave up their monies and worldly goods. Crowds of them wandered, singing, praying, and reciting Scripture, fully expecting to encounter him, garbed in as unworldly a appearance as themselves.
  
  When Verigin arrived, well-dressed and prosperous-looking, they were taken aback, but obeyed his instruction to return and take up their work. Not all were happy, however, to do so - feeling betrayed by his apparently warmer greeting to the Non-Libertines.

• Svobodniki (Freedomites), also Sons of Freedom and Named Doukhobors, ultimately acted out the disappointment which they had with Verigin. They went about naked, destroyed school buildings by arson, and damaged farm equipment, all in the name of protest against the worldly life that they considered to be endangering their existence in the afterworld. They were regularly imprisoned, where they engaged in hunger fasts and were generally uncooperative with authorities.
  
  The Svobodniki continued their anti-societal activities well into the 1960s, after which the group faded from public view. However, as recently as 2001, a naked 80 year old Svobodniki woman set fire to a public building, the second or third time within a few years that she had been apprehended for similar acts.

• Non-Libertines did not represent an organized body; rather it was the term applied to those, both followers of Verigin and Doukhobory who were not allied to him, who resisted being caught up in the Libertine frenzy that foreshadowed his arrival in Canada.
  
  Those who were adherents to his particular personal viewpoint of their faith found themselves caught up in series of events that seemed to regularly test their faith.
  
  "Lordly Peter", as he styled himself, vacillated between urging a very centralized, communal environment and one that had a more independent, cooperative structure. This constant upheaval and the difficulties that it posed for survival caused at least underlying tensions in the communities, albeit outright dissension was avoided. Even subsequent to the death of Verigin under suspicious circumstances, the Doukhobory did not achieve the more settled existence that they had long sought. His son, who assumed the leadership role, brought all of the worst characteristics of the Verigins to the post and only after his reign did the sect's continued existence seemed likely to be assured.

• Community Doukhobors or Union of Spiritual Communities of Christ, also Orthodox Doukhobors, earlier the Christian Community of Universal Brotherhood, are the dominant Doukhobory body to this day and are those who most faithfully adhere to the sect's traditional belief and praxis, although the remnant Svobodniki would likely assert a claim to that distinction.

• Yakutski (Yakutians), also Yakutian Doukhobory or Siberian Doukhobors, were Postniki from Tiflis Province who were exiled to Yakutsk in Siberia. Yakutski were eventually allowed to leave Siberia and proceed to Canada in 1905-6, almost a decade after their brethren from Elizavetpol and elsewhere had settled there.
  
  In the interim, Yakutski had undergone some changes in thinking; two principal factors influenced these. First was the necessity to develop an independent existence, separated from other Doukhobory; the second was the appearance in their midst of two exiled Verigin brothers, who sought to exercise the kind and style of leadership for which Peter had been noted. Unfortunately for their intentions, their arrival was long enough after the initial exile that an independent spirit had taken hold among the Yakutski and the Verigin were thwarted in their efforts.
  
  Accordingly, when the Yakutski set out for Canada, Peter Verigin was aware from correspondence with his family that Yakutski thinking was likely to clash with the culture that he had established among Canadian Dukhobory - who were largely under his influence and leadership. His expectation was quickly met; Yakutski viewed Peter as a manager and were unimpressed with his style as such, while the Canadians saw him as near-supernatural. Additionally, the latter had developed a theological belief that there was no salvation beyond the Dukhobory, while the new emigrants held that anyone, regardless of his beliefs, could achieve spiritual perfection.
  
  The Yakutski were rejected and shunned, actions that caused significant discontent and unrest in the larger community, with many Canadians appalled at this turn of events.

• Edinolichniki (Independents), also Secularists, as the name suggests, withdrew from the communal living environment that had been a defining characteristic of the Doukhobory, seeking a more secular style of life. Many, but not all, were Yakutski.
  
  The movement is purely Canadian in its origins and arose in the era between the two World Wars. (The term is also applied, in an unrelated usage, to Russian peasants who resisted absorption into collective farms after WWII.)

• Molokans derived from Doukhobory - or the other way around - or the two developed independently in approximately the same timeframe, depending on the source one reads. Interestingly, no one seems to argue their particular stance or acknowledge that another opinion exists; rather, each asserts their position as a foregone conclusion. As I have neither any basis for nor any brief for a particular conclusion, I have treated each of the two separately - cross-referencing the entries. See Molokans below.

• Pavlovtsy were not Doukhobory, but were influenced by them. See the entry under Unrelated Contemporaneous Movements: Protestant.

• Small Party arose in opposition to Peter Verigin and his ambitious plans. Again, there was no particular doctrinal or practice difference evidenced by them, rather the division was formed along the lines of the personality and charisma of Verigin.
  
  Despite their considerably smaller numbers, they succeeded, through denunciations to the authorities, in having Verigin arrested and exiled. However, they were unsuccessful in managing to seriously undermine his influence. (Utilizing a network of underlings, Verigin kept his memory and teachings alive among those he left behind, despite a successive series of banishments totaling fifteen years in all.)
  
  The Small Party remained in the Caucasus, even after the sizeable emigrations to Canada at the end of the 19th century. Their perceived loyalty to the government - a trait not evidenced by the opposition Large Party - stood them in good stead in their decision not to emigrate, although they likely did not fare as well post-1917. Ultimately, the Small Party disappeared as a separate and distinct entity, its members presumably dispersed among the bodies into which the Doukhobory had been divided, even before the emigration, despite efforts by Verigin to consolidate them.

• Ikonobortsy [2 of 2 by this name] (Icon-Fighters) rejected iconography, albeit that was only one of the myriad Orthodox devotions and practices that were anathema to Doukhobory as forms of religious expression.

Canadian Dukhobors: mostly in Alberta and British Columbia. They became quite notorious for such quaint customs as burning down various structures, including their own homes, public nudity, and refusing to send their children to school. On the last point, it became necessary for the government to take action to send the children to state-run boarding schools.

Bishop Isidore (Memory Eternal!) of Toronto and Eastern Canada had served in Alberta as a young priest, and occasionally told stories of his encounters with the Dukhobors.

About 20 years ago, the Provincial Museum of Alberta did a program about the Dukhobors, with their cooperation. One of the problems turned out to be that no one, including the Dukhobors, knew what it is that they are supposed to believe.

Earlier, when John Diefenbaker was Prime Minister of Canada, Nikita Khrushchov made the mistake of complaining about alleged Canadian abuse of the Dukhobors. Diefenbaker immediately offered to ship them all back to Russia at public expense. Khrushchov's emphatic and hysterical refusal of that generous offer is a delightful folk memory!

Fr. Serge